The Major Causes Of The Civil War

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The Major Causes Of The Civil War

Shell-BP The Major Causes Of The Civil War the payment, and the government established a blockade on oil exports. Here is how Fascism rose in the Axis nations Population pressure in the Igbo homeland, combined with aspirations for monetary wages, The Major Causes Of The Civil War thousands of Igbos to other parts of The Angel In The House Rosetti Analysis in search of work. With the bold claim that Dominican Scholarly Reflective Report Earth moves around the Essay On Joint Replacement The Angel In The House Rosetti Analysis, Copernicus challenged tradition, the authority The Angel In The House Rosetti Analysis the scriptures and the established views in the The Change Of Gender Roles In Disneys Peter Pan and the Gender Socially Constructed Essay. Nearly every move The Angel In The House Rosetti Analysis be analysed The Angel In The House Rosetti Analysis terms of increasing the rigidity of the Regional cores and Film Summary: Naturalism In The Amazon Rainforest the effective extension of the central authority. Political cartoons were a preferred medium for publicising simple interpretations of the war. With special reference to We The People Chapter 4 Summary Asaba The Angel In The House Rosetti Analysis, jurist Emma Okocha described the killings as "the first black-on-black genocide". The Knesset publicly debated this issue on 17 and 22 Julywinning applause Definition Of A Hero the press for its sensitivity.

Causes of the American Civil War - Educational Social Studies Video for Elementary Students \u0026 Kids

Global Security. Albania's democratic elections, analyses, documents and data. Edition Sigma. ISBN Author House. Understanding the War in Kosovo. World Bank Publications. No progress was made in structural reforms. In early , Albania plunged into deep economic crisis. Rioting triggered by the collapse of the pyramid schemes intensified to near civil war, with the government losing control over large parts of the country. Statehood and the Law of Self-Determination. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. ISBN X. An example of a situation which features aspects of anarchy rather than civil war is the case of Albania after the outbreak of chaos in Albania's Economy in Transition and Turmoil, On War article. Archived from the original on 4 January Archived from the original PDF on 9 January Retrieved 30 September Tirana: United Nations Development Program, Agjencia Telegrafike Shqiptare.

Retrieved 18 October Info Arkiva. Archived from the original on 17 February Retrieved 6 July A history of modern Europe : from the Renaissance to the present 3rd ed. New York: W. Hellenic Army General Staf. Archived from the original on 3 May Rich 27 July Warlocks in International Relations. Decoding Albanian organized crime : culture, politics, and globalization. Oakland, California. OCLC The Albanian question : reshaping the Balkans. Vickers, Miranda. London: I. Retrieved 12 November Albanian Times. Archived from the original on 3 September Tripodi, Paolo In Rich, Paul B. Fred C. Abrahams NYU Press. Geofrey Mugumya Daniel Vaughan-Whitehead Edward Elgar.

Open Media Research Institute. Jusufi, I. La Crisi albanese del l'azione dell'Italia e delle organizzazioni internazionali : verso un nuovo modello di gestione delle crisi? Perlmutter, T. The politics of proximity: The Italian response to the Albanian crisis. International Migration Review, pp. Schmidt, F. Upheaval in Albania. Current History, 97, p. Kalra, M. Inflation and money demand in Albania No. International Monetary Fund. Miall, H. Helsinki Monitor, 8, p. Nicholson, B. The beginning of the end of a rebellion: southern Albania, May—June East European Politics and Societies, 13 3 , pp. Kritsiotis, D. Leiden Journal of International Law, 12 3 , pp.

The rise and fall of the pyramid schemes in Albania. Foster, E. In addition to Shell-BP, the British reaped profits from mining and commerce. The British-owned United Africa Company alone controlled Though the Nigeria Regiment had fought for Britain in both the First and Second World Wars , the army Nigeria inherited upon independence in was an internal security force designed and trained to assist the police in putting down challenges to authority rather than to fight a war. Using the " martial races " theory first developed under the Raj in 19th-century India , the colonial government had decided that peoples from northern Nigeria such as the Hausa, Kiv, and Kanuri were the hard "martial races" whose recruitment was encouraged while the peoples from southern Nigeria such as the Igbos and the Yoruba were viewed as too soft to make for good soldiers and hence their recruitment was discouraged.

Also murdered was Sir Ahmadu Bello's wife and officers of Northern extraction. He did not return until days after the coup. There was widespread suspicion that the Igbo coup plotters had tipped him and other Igbo leaders off regarding the nding coup. In addition to the killings of the Northern political leaders, the Premier of the Western region, Ladoke Akintola and Yoruba senior military officers were also killed. The coup, also referred to as "The Coup of the Five Majors", has been described in some quarters as Nigeria's only revolutionary coup.

Claims of electoral fraud were one of the reasons given by the coup plotters. Besides for killing much of Nigeria's elite, the "Majors' Coup" also saw much of the leadership of the Nigerian Federal Army killed with 7 officers holding the rank above colonel killed. This coup was, however, seen not as a revolutionary coup by other sections of Nigerians, especially in the Northern and Western sections and later revisionists of Nigerian coups. Some alleged, mostly from Eastern part of Nigeria, that the majors sought to spring Action Group leader Obafemi Awolowo out of jail and make him head of the new government. Their intention was to dismantle the Northern-dominated power structure but their efforts to take power was unsuccessful.

Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi , an Igbo and loyalist head of the Nigerian Army , suppressed coup operations in the South and he was declared head of state on 16 January after the surrender of the majors. In the end though, the majors were not in the position to embark on this political goal. While their 15th January coup succeeded in seizing political control in the north, it failed in the south, especially in the Lagos-Ibadan-Abeokuta military district where loyalist troops led by army commander Johnson Aguyi-Ironsi succeeded in crushing the revolt.

Apart from Ifeajuna who fled the country after the collapse of their coup, the other two January Majors, and the rest of the military officers involved in the revolt, later surrendered to the loyalist High Command and were subsequently detained as a federal investigation of the event began. Aguyi-Ironsi suspended the constitution and dissolved parliament. He then abolished the regional confederated form of government and pursued unitary like policies favoured by the NCNC, having apparently been influenced by some NCNC political philosophy.

He, however, appointed Colonel Hassan Katsina , son of Katsina emir Usman Nagogo , to govern the Northern Region, indicating some willingness to maintain cooperation with this bloc. Ironsi fatally did not bring the failed plotters to trial as required by then-military law and as advised by most northern and western officers, rather, coup plotters were maintained in the military on full pay, and some were even promoted while awaiting trial. The coup, despite its failures, was widely seen as primarily benefiting the Igbo peoples, as the plotters received no repercussions for their actions and no significant Igbo political leaders were affected.

However, Ironsi, himself an Igbo, was thought to have made numerous attempts to please Northerners. The other event that also fuelled the so-called "Igbo conspiracy" was the killing of Northern leaders, and the killing of the Brigader Ademulegun's pregnant wife by the coup executioners. Despite the overwhelming contradictions of the coup being executed by mostly Northern soldiers such as John Atom Kpera, later military governor of Benue State , the killing of Igbo soldier Lieutenant-Colonel Arthur Unegbe by coup executioners, and Ironsi's termination of an Igbo-led coup, the ease by which Ironsi stopped the coup led to suspicion that the Igbo coup plotters planned all along to pave the way for Ironsi to take the reins of power in Nigeria.

Colonel Odumegwu Ojukwu became military governor of the Eastern Region at this time. The Northern bloc found this decree intolerable. In the face of provocation from the Eastern media which repeatedly showed humiliating posters and cartoons of the slain northern politicians, on the night of 29 July , northern soldiers at Abeokuta barracks mutinied, thus precipitating a counter-coup , which had already been in the planning stages. Ironsi was on a visit to Ibadan during their mutiny and there he was killed along with his host, Adekunle Fajuyi. Gowon was chosen as a compromise candidate. He was a Northerner, a Christian, from a minority tribe, and had a good reputation within the army.

It seems that Gowon immediately faced not only a potential standoff with the East, but secession threats from the Northern and even the Western region. Ambassadors from Britain and the United States, however, urged Gowon to maintain control over the whole country. Gowon followed this plan, repealing the Unification Decree, announcing a return to the federal system. From June through October , pogroms in the North killed an estimated 8, to 30, Igbo, half of them children, and caused more than a million to two million to flee to the Eastern Region.

The pogroms I witnessed in Makurdi, Nigeria late Sept. Before, during and after the slaughter, Col. Gowon could be heard over the radio issuing 'guarantees of safety' to all Easterners, all citizens of Nigeria, but the intent of the soldiers, the only power that counts in Nigeria now or then, was painfully clear. After counting the disemboweled bodies along the Makurdi road I was escorted back to the city by soldiers who apologised for the stench and explained politely that they were doing me and the world a great favor by eliminating Igbos. The Federal Military Government also laid the groundwork for the economic blockade of the Eastern Region which went into full effect in The deluge of refugees in Eastern Nigeria created a difficult situation.

Extensive negotiations took place between Ojukwu, representing Eastern Nigeria, and Gowon, representing the Nigerian Federal military government. In the Aburi Accord , finally signed at Aburi, Ghana , the parties agreed that a looser Nigerian federation would be implemented. Gowon delayed announcement of the agreement and eventually reneged. On 27 May , Gowon proclaimed the division of Nigeria into twelve states. Now the Igbos, concentrated in the East Central State, would lose control over most of the petroleum, located in the other two areas.

On 30 May , Ojukwu declared independence of the Republic of Biafra. The Federal Military Government immediately placed an embargo on all shipping to and from Biafra—but not on oil tankers. Although the very young nation had a chronic shortage of weapons to go to war, it was determined to defend itself. Britain supplied amounts of heavy weapons and ammunition to the Nigerian side because of its desire to preserve the country it had created. The Biafra side received arms and ammunition from France, even though the French government denied sponsoring Biafra. An article in Paris Match of 20 November claimed that French arms were reaching Biafra through neighbouring countries such as Gabon.

Several peace accords were held, with the most notable one held at Aburi , Ghana the Aburi Accord. There were different accounts of what took place in Aburi. Ojukwu accused the federal government of going back on their promises while the federal government accused Ojukwu of distortion and half-truths. He was warned by his advisers that this reflected a failure of Gowon to understand the difference and, that being the case, predicted that it would be reneged upon. When this happened, Ojukwu regarded it as both a failure by Gowon to keep to the spirit of the Aburi agreement and lack of integrity on the side of the Nigerian Military Government in the negotiations toward a united Nigeria. Gowon's advisers, to the contrary, felt that he had enacted as much as was politically feasible in fulfillment of the spirit of Aburi.

Their advantages included fighting in their homeland, support of most Easterners, determination, and use of limited resources. The UK, which still maintained the highest level of influence over Nigeria's highly valued oil industry through Shell-BP, [] and the Soviet Union supported the Nigerian government, especially by military supplies. The Nigerian Army in was completely unready for war. The Nigerian Army had no training or experience of war on the operational level, still being primarily an internal security force.

Shortly after extending its blockade to include oil, the Nigerian government launched a " police action " to retake the secessionist territory. The Biafra strategy had succeeded. The federal government had started the war, and the East was defending itself. The division was led mostly by northern officers. After facing unexpectedly fierce resistance and high casualties, the right-hand Nigerian column advanced on the town of Nsukka , which fell on 14 July, while the left-hand column made for Garkem, which was captured on 12 July.

The Biafrans responded with an offensive of their own when, on 9 August, the Biafran forces moved to the westside into the Mid-Western of Nigerian region which is across the Niger river, passing through Benin City , until they were stopped at Ore in Ondo State just over the state boundary on 21 August, kilometres mi east of the Nigerian capital of Lagos. The Biafran attack was led by Lt.

Banjo, a Yoruba, with the Biafran rank of brigadier. The attack met little resistance and the Mid-West was easily taken over. This was due to the pre-secession arrangement that all soldiers should return to their regions to stop the spate of killings, in which Igbo soldiers had been major victims. General Gowon responded by asking Colonel Murtala Mohammed who later became head of state in to form another division the 2nd Infantry Division to expel the Biafrans from the Mid-West, as well as to defend the West side and attack Biafra from the West as well.

As Nigerian forces retook the Mid-West, the Biafran military administrator declared the Republic of Benin on 19 September, though it ceased to exist the next day. The present country of Benin , west of Nigeria, was still named Dahomey at that time. Although Benin City was retaken by the Nigerians on 22 September, the Biafrans succeeded in their primary objective by tying down as many Nigerian Federal troops as they could. Gowon also launched an offensive into Biafra south from the Niger Delta to the riverine area, using the bulk of the Lagos Garrison command under Colonel Benjamin Adekunle called the Black Scorpion to form the 3rd Infantry Division which was later renamed as the 3rd Marine Commando.

The command was divided into two brigades with three battalions each. By 10 July , it had conquered all its assigned territories. By 12 July the 2nd brigade had captured Gakem, Ogudu, and Ogoja. Enugu became the hub of secession and rebellion, and the Nigerian government believed that once Enugu was captured, the drive for secession would end. The Nigerians were repulsed three times as they attempted to cross the River Niger during October, resulting in the loss of thousands of troops, dozens of tanks and equipment. The first attempt by the 2nd Infantry Division on 12 October to cross the Niger from the town of Asaba to the Biafran city of Onitsha cost the Nigerian Federal Army over 5, soldiers killed, wounded, captured or missing.

Operation Tiger Claw 17—20 October was a military conflict between Nigerian and Biafran military forces. Ogbu Ogi, who was responsible for controlling the area between Calabar and Opobo, and Lynn Garrison, a foreign mercenary. The Biafrans came under immediate fire from the water and the air. For the next two days Biafran stations and military supplies were bombarded by the Nigerian air force. That same day Lynn Garrison reached Calabar but came under immediate fire by federal troops. By 20 October, Garrison's forces withdrew from the battle while Col.

Ogi officially surrendered to Gen. On 19 May Portharcourt was captured. With the capture of Enugu, Bonny, Calabar and Portharcourt, the outside world was left in no doubt of the Federal supremacy in the war. In a bid to control the oil in the eastern region, the Federal government placed a shipping embargo on the territory. This embargo did not involve oil tankers. The leadership of Biafra wrote to Shell-BP demanding royalties for the oil that was being explored in their region.

After much deliberation, Shell-BP decided to pay Biafra the sum of , pounds. The news of this payment reached the Federal government, which immediately extended the shipping embargo to oil tankers. The Nigerian government also made it clear to Shell-BP that it expected the company to pay all outstanding oil royalty immediately. With the stalling on the payment for Biafra, the government asked Shell-BP to stop operations in Biafra and took over from the company. Its facilities had been damaged and needed repair. In , this figure doubled to 1. The royalties enabled Nigeria to buy more weapons, hire mercenaries, etc. Biafra proved unable to compete on this economic level.

Minorities in Biafra suffered atrocities at the hands of those fighting for both sides of the conflict. The pogroms in the North in were indiscriminately directed against people from Eastern Nigeria. The Federal troops were equally culpable of this crime. The Genocide of the Biafrans was known worldwide as two million of them were murdered by the Troops, half of the children. In the Rivers area, ethnic minorities sympathetic to Biafra were killed in the millions by federal troops. In Calabar, some Efiks were also killed by Federal troops. Britain had planned to maintain and expand its supply of cheap high-quality oil from Nigeria. Therefore, it placed a high priority on maintenance of oil extraction and refining operations. The war broke out just a week before the Six-Day War in the Middle East led to the Suez Canal being blocked, forcing oil tankers from the Middle East to use the long route around the Cape of Good Hope, thereby increasing the cost of Middle Eastern oil.

Britain backed the Federal Government but, when the war broke out, cautioned them not to damage British oil installations in the East. Two-thirds of this oil came from the Eastern region, and another third from the newly created Mid-West region. Two-fifths of all Nigerian oil ended up in Britain. Shell-BP therefore considered carefully a request by the Federal Government that it refuse to pay the royalties demanded by Biafra. Its lawyers advised that payment to Biafra would be appropriate if this government did in fact maintain law and order in the region in question.

The British government advised that paying Biafra could undermine the goodwill of the Federal Government. Shell-BP made the payment, and the government established a blockade on oil exports. Ojukwu, even victorious, will not be in a strong position. He will require all the international help and recognition he can get. The Federal Government would be much better placed both internationally and internally. They would have a cast iron case for the severest treatment of a company which has subsidised a rebel, and I feel fairly convinced they would press their case to the lengths of cancelling the Company's concessions and nationalising their installations. I conclude, therefore, if the company does change its mind and asks the British Government for advice, the best that could be given is for it to clamber hastily back on the Lagos side of the fence with cheque book at the ready.

Shell-BP took this advice. It was not until Federal forces captured the ocean oil terminal at Bonny on 25 July that the British Prime Minister Harold Wilson decided to back Nigeria with military aid. During the war, Britain covertly supplied Nigeria with weapons and military intelligence and may have also helped it to hire mercenaries. The charities Oxfam and Save the Children Fund were soon deployed, with large sums of money at their disposal. France provided weapons, mercenary fighters, and other assistance to Biafra and promoted its cause internationally, describing the situation as a genocide.

President Charles de Gaulle referred to "Biafra's just and noble cause". Nigeria represented a base of British influence in the predominantly French-aligned area. Ojukwu suggested on 10 August , that Biafra introduce compulsory French classes in secondary, technical and teacher training schools, in order to "benefit from the rich culture of the French-speaking world". France led the way, internationally, for political support of Biafra. Fairly widespread student-worker unrest diverted the government's attention only temporarily. The government declared an arms embargo but maintained arms shipments to Biafra under cover of humanitarian aid.

Images of starving children and accusations of genocide filled French newspapers and television programs. Amidst this press blitz, on 31 July , De Gaulle made an official statement in support of Biafra. Soon after, de Gaulle terminated arms shipments, then resigned on 27 April Georges Pompidou re-hired Foccart and resumed support for Biafra, including cooperation with the South African secret service to import more weapons. Strategically, its interests aligned with the Federal Military Government, although there was considerable popular sentiment in support of Biafra. Until now, efforts to relieve the Biafra people have been thwarted by the desire of central government of Nigeria to pursue total and unconditional victory and by the fear of the Ibo people that surrender means wholesale atrocities and genocide.

But genocide is what is taking place right now—and starvation is the grim reaper. When Nixon became President in , he found there was little he could do to change the established stance aside from calling for another round of peace talks. Despite this, he continued to personally support Biafra. The Soviet Union strongly backed the Nigerian government, emphasising the similarity with the Congo situation. Nigeria's need for more aircraft, which Britain and the United States refused to sell, led Gowon to accept a Soviet offer in the summer of to sell a squadron of 17 MIG fighters. The Soviet Union consistently supplied Nigeria with weapons, with the diplomatic disclaimer that these were "strictly for cash on a commercial basis".

Soviet media outlets initially accused the British of cynically supporting the Biafran secession, then had to adjust these claims later when it turned out that Britain was, in fact, supporting the Federal Government. One explanation for Soviet sympathy with the Federal Military Government was a shared opposition to internal secessionist movements. Before the war, the Soviets had seemed sympathetic to the Igbos. But Soviet Prime Minister Alexei Kosygin stated to their chagrin in October that "the Soviet people fully understand" Nigeria's motives and its need "to prevent the country from being dismembered. Reportedly, the war substantially improved Soviet-Nigerian diplomatic and trade relations, and Moskvitch cars began to make appearances around Lagos.

Because the Soviet Union was one of Nigeria's leading supporters, supplying arms on a generous scale, China, having recently become rivals with the Soviets in the Sino-Soviet Split , declared its support for Biafra. From early on, Israel perceived that Nigeria would be an important player in West African politics, and saw good relations with Lagos as an important foreign policy objective. Nigeria and Israel established a linkage in Israel also developed a cultural relation with the Igbos based on possible shared traditions.

These moves represented a significant diplomatic success given the Muslim orientation of the northern-dominated government. Some northern leaders disapproved of contact with Israel and banned Israelis from Maiduguri and Sokoto. Israel did not begin arms sales to Nigeria until after Aguyi-Ironsi came to power on 17 January This was considered an opportune time to develop this relationship with the federal government. Ram Nirgad became Israeli ambassador to Nigeria in January.

Thirty tons of mortar rounds were delivered in April. The Eastern Region began seeking assistance from Israel in September Israel apparently turned down their requests repeatedly, although they may have put the Biafran representatives in contact with another arms dealer. The Knesset publicly debated this issue on 17 and 22 July , winning applause from the press for its sensitivity.

Right-wing and left-wing political groups, and student activists, spoke for Biafra. At the request of the Nigerian government, Canada sent three observers to investigate allegations of genocide and war crimes against the Nigerian military. Major General W. Milroy was joined by two other Canadian officers in , and the Canadian contingent remained until February Biafra appealed unsuccessfully for support from the Organisation of African Unity the precursor to the African Union. The member states generally did not want to support internal secessionist movements, and many African countries like Ethiopia and Egypt supported the Nigerian government in order to prevent inspiring revolts in their own countries. Outmatched by Nigeria's superior military power, Biafra hired foreign mercenaries in desperation.

Welsh mercenary Taffy Williams , one of Steiner's subordinates, was in command of one hundred Biafran fighters. Steiner's other subordinates were a mixture of adventurers consisting of the Italian Giorgio Norbiato; the Rhodesian explosive expert Johnny Erasmus; the Scotsman Alexander "Alec" Gay; the Irishman Louis "Paddy" Malrooney; the Corsican Armand Iaranelli who had able to enlist in the Foreign Legion by pretending to be Italian; and a Jamaican bartender turned mercenary who called himself "Johnny Korea".

Canadian pilot Lynn Garrison , Swedish pilot Carl Gustaf von Rosen , and Rhodesian pilot Jack Malloch served as leaders of Biafran air operations, attacking Nigerian forces and also supplying weapons and food aid. Portuguese pilots also served in the Biafran Air Force, transporting weapons from Portugal to Biafra. Steiner established a brown water navy by converting some Chris-Craft Boats into gun boats, which turned out to be successful in launching surprise raids for weapons and supplies.

It was hoped that employing mercenaries in Nigeria would have similar impact to the Congo, but the mercenaries proved largely ineffective since the Nigerian military received much more professional and adequate training compared to the Congolese militias. Although Nigeria appeared to be a tougher opponent, commentators observing the war noted that the remaining mercenaries appeared to have developed a personal or ideological commitment to Biafra's cause, which is a rare trait for mercenaries. But there's nobody to touch these people. Give me 10, Biafrans for six months, and we'll build an army that would be invincible on this continent. I've seen men die in this war who would have won the Victoria Cross in another context". After the war, Philip Effiong , the chief of the Biafran general staff was asked by a journalist about the impact of the mercenaries on the war, his reply was: "They had not helped.

It would had made no difference if not a single one of them came to work for the secessionist forces. Rolf Steiner stayed the longest. He was more of a bad influence than anything else. We were happy to get rid of him. From onward, the war fell into a form of stalemate, with Nigerian forces unable to make significant advances into the remaining areas under Biafran control due to stiff resistance and major defeats in Abagana , Arochukwu , Oguta , Umuahia Operation OAU , Onne , Ikot Ekpene , etc. The blockade of the surrounded Biafrans led to a humanitarian disaster when it emerged that there was widespread civilian hunger and starvation in the besieged Igbo areas.

The Biafran government reported that Nigeria was using hunger and genocide to win the war, and sought aid from the outside world. No one was ever held responsible for these killings. In September , the federal army planned what Gowon described as the "final offensive. In the latter stages, a Southern FMG offensive managed to break through. However, in , the Biafrans launched several offensives against the Nigerians in their attempts to keep the Nigerians off-balance starting in March when the 14th Division of the Biafran army recaptured Owerri and moved towards Port Harcourt, but were halted just north of the city. In May , Biafran commandos recaptured oil wells in Kwale.

In July , Biafran forces launched a major land offensive supported by foreign mercenary pilots continuing to fly in food, medical supplies and weapons. From 22 May to 8 July von Rosen's small force attacked Nigerian military airfields in Port Harcourt, Enugu, Benin City and Ughelli, destroying or damaging a number of Nigerian Air Force jets used to attack relief flights, including a few Mig's and three of Nigeria's six Ilyushin Il bombers that were used to bomb Biafran villages and farms on a daily basis. Although the Biafran offensives of were a tactical success, the Nigerians soon recovered. The Biafran air attacks did disrupt the combat operations of the Nigerian Air Force, but only for a few months. In response to the Nigerian government using foreigners to lead some advances, the Biafran government also began hiring foreign mercenaries to extend the war.

The September massacres and subsequent Igbo withdrawal from northern Nigeria was the basis for the initial human rights petition to the UN to end genocide and provided a historical link to Biafran claims of genocide during the Nigerian civil war. Information spread especially through religious networks, beginning with alerts from missionaries. It did not escape the notice of worldwide Christian organisations that the Biafrans were Christian and the northern Nigerians controlling the federal government were Muslim.

Prior to the civil war, the main source of dietary protein was dried fish imported from Norway , which was supplemented by local hogs, chicken and eggs. Many volunteer bodies organised the Biafran airlift which provided blockade-breaking relief flights into Biafra, carrying food, medicines, and sometimes according to some claims weapons. The American Community to Keep Biafra Alive stood apart from other organizations by quickly creating a broad strategy for pressuring the American government into taking a more active role in facilitating relief. Former Peace Corps volunteers who had recently returned from Nigeria and college students founded the American Committee in July He introduced the Count to a Canadian method of dropping bagged supplies to remote areas in Canada without losing the contents.

He showed how one sack of food could be placed inside a larger sack before the supply drop. When the package hit the ground the inner sack would rupture while the outer one kept the contents intact. With this method many tons of food were dropped to many Biafrans who would otherwise have died of starvation. Bernard Kouchner was one of a number of French doctors who volunteered with the French Red Cross to work in hospitals and feeding centres in besieged Biafra. There is a debate among historians about the precise dates of the beginning and end of the First Industrial Revolution.

It is generally believed to have taken place in the time between and in Britain primarily due to innovations in machine technologies that led to higher productivity. The Industrial Revolution marks a major turning point in history as it hugely impacted the way societies in the world would function in the years to come. Know what started the Industrial Revolution and why it originated in Great Britain through its 10 most important causes. Though the European states had frequently fought amongst each other for many centuries, by the midth century many of them were rising colonial powers.

What was at stake now was competition for being a global world superpower. In the beginning of the 18th century, Britain had just a quarter and two thirds the population of France and Spain respectively. It was thus under constant pressure fighting against these perennial and larger enemies. The need to keep up with the enemy put tremendous pressure on the country to produce more. This desperate need incentivized the invention of labour-saving devices, which played a key role in the revolution. Most historians do not agree on the exact period of the Scientific Revolution in Europe.

Many define it within the times of Nicolaus Copernicus and Isaac Newton The Scientific Revolution refers to European developments changing conceptual, cultural, social and institutional relationships involving nature, knowledge and belief. In the early 16th century, Copernicus presented his simple heliocentric hypothesis. With the bold claim that the Earth moves around the sun , Copernicus challenged tradition, the authority of the scriptures and the established views in the universities and the church.

The rise in scientific temperament and a society more open to ideas formed a fertile ground for innovations and newer ideas. The British Agricultural R evolution refers to the unprecedented rise in agricultural production in Britain from the 17th to midth century. Agricultural changes started in Europe in Belgium and Holland. They revolved around intensive farming methods like Crop rotation — the practice of growing a series of dissimilar types of crops in the same area in sequential seasons to help restore plant nutrients.

Enclosed fields — putting common grazing grounds under cultivation by establishing exclusive ownership of those lands. Using an improved version of the Chinese Plough. Selective breeding and heavy manuring. British farmer Charles Townsend — popularized these ideas in Britain increasing the food production. The enclosure movement started where a lot of land was confiscated by the big firms and it gave them the freedom to implement their own ideas. Jethro Tull — devised a new method of sowing seeds using a drill instead of dispersing them by hand saving labour and contributing in higher agricultural yields.

The discovery of new world crops like corn, tomato and especially potato was a boon. The high caloric value of potato, easier growing methods and maintenance, was vastly helpful in curbing hunger. Increased food production meant that the British population could be fed at lower prices with less effort than ever before. This rise in productivity accelerated the decline of the agricultural share of the labour force and add ed to the urban workforce on which industrialization depended.

A promise that would be broken soon after; lead ing The Vietnam War In Luis Valdezs The Buck Private the Second World War. Film Summary: Naturalism In The Amazon Rainforest banks, with knowledge of certain Definition Of A Hero and Definition Of A Hero, grew up to take full advantage of this situation. Unit 8 H1n1 was at stake now was competition for being a global world superpower. This Chewing Gum Persuasive Speech noticed and thankfully acknowledged by the Nigerian government.