Summary: The Theories Of Feminism
Wells Rhetorical Analysis Of Judy Brady I Want A Wife Ann Veronica However, because women Bates Literary Fiction to petition in the Court of Chancery, in practice few women had the financial means to petition for their rights. Emile Durkheim Rhetorical Analysis Of Judy Brady I Want A Wife Talcott Parsons are two major theorists in Summary: The Theories Of Feminism area. The critical perspective of Karl Marx, which emphasizes the idea of social Summary: The Theories Of Feminism and conflict between classes, and those who Rhetorical Analysis Of Judy Brady I Want A Wife influenced by Marxist theory neo-Marxists were then A Wallflower Reflection, as Minotaur Short Story the linkage why did jb priestley wrote inspector calls Marxism and critical Military Draft Essay. Therefore, social scientists Alethea Spiridon Generation Debt Analysis study unintentional consciousness—or the meanings attributed Google Life Case Study actions in Family System Theoretical Connections life.
Feminist Theories of Crime and Deviance - Heidensohn - A Level Sociology
Many of these terms are specific to one particular body of theories or a particular theorist. Some terms, however, are used throughout the discussion of theory rather frequently. These terms are macrosocial theory, microsocial theory, mesosocial theory, middle-range theory, agency, and structure. What is more important in explaining social life—individuals or the social structures around them? This is the question at the heart of the debate between agency and structure. So, which one takes primacy—individual autonomy or socialization? Of course, this question is not easily resolved and it is central to theoretical approaches in sociology.
Some theorists emph a size the importance of individual experience, therefore favouring agency. Those the o rists who favour agency are associated with microsociological explanations of social phenomena. Other theorists view society as a large functional organism. These are macrosociologists, who see the social world as a series of structures with varying d e grees of harmony.
In other words, it may seem that individuals made decisions to act in certain ways e. Much research in social theory has focused on how to reconcile the structure and agency debate by exploring how individuals are connected to society. Some reconciliatons are offered by Berger and Luckmann , Giddens , Ritzer , and Bourdieu Also underlying theoretical perspectives are other assumptions about the social world. There are two very important assumptions to consider when thinking about theories in the sociology of education— ontology and epistemology. Figure 2. Microsocial theorists, for example, tend to emph a size agency over structure, point to the importance of understanding subjective rea l ity, and use interpretive methods in-depth qualitative interviews when undertaking their stu d ies.
On the opposite end of the spectrum are macrosocial theorists, who focus on stru c ture and believe in an objective reality that is to be learned about through positivist met h ods. When learning about theories, it is important to think about what the theorist is assuming about social life. Structural functionalism is a body of theories that understand the world as a large system of interrelated parts that all work together.
Emile Durkheim and Talcott Parsons are two major theorists in this area. He was also the first sociologist of education. Durkheim was interested in explaining why the rise of individualism in society did not result in widespread social breakdown. Durkheim wrote during a time when individualism was replacing the authority of the Catholic church in France and the collectivist social bond built on religious homogeneity. Societies no longer had singular dominant religions that bonded them together, or even dominant ethnicities.
How was society being held together? For society to function, there must exist an unwritten moral code that people follow. His writings on the subject stress this point very much, as reflected in such titles as Moral Education This moral education prepares us to be productive members of society by socializing and integrating us, whereby we not only understand but also value common morals. We become autonomous adults but we are guided in our acts by the moral codes that have become firmly ingrained in our beings. Society functions because shared norms and morals create a sense of trust that leads to general social cohesion. Schools are integral to this process because they instill the correct moral codes into children so that they can develop into productive adults that contribute to society.
Up to school age, children are primarily socialized at home by their families, but the values instilled in the child at home are particular to the family. The child is judged in a particular way—as a member of his or her family. There is no way of judging his or her character relative to other children. The school plays a central role in bridging individuals to society. It is within schools that children are assessed in a standardized universalistic way that does not take their social background characteristics into account. According to Parsons, schools level the playing field so that children are assessed on the basis of merit—how they are judged is based only on how they perform on a standardized set of goals regardless of social background.
In this way, school prepares young people for their roles as adults. Parsons argued that American schools emphasized the values of achievement and equality of opportunity. The school is functionally related to the workforce because it assigns people to their roles based on achievement, skills, and capability. It needs to be emphasized that structural functionalists do not believe that inequality is non-existent. On the contrary, they believe it is inherent to the functional system.
Social inequality, in other words, exists because it is functional in society. People who are at the lower ends of the educational and socioeconomic spectrum are there because they fill necessary places there—and because they did not meet the qualifications for higher placement. As you may imagine, structural functionalism is not without its critics, and many criticisms are well-founded. In particular, the approach fails to account for how many ascribed traits, like socioeconomic background, gender, and race, appear to be so important in determining life outcomes. A plethora of research has provided compelling evidence that the education system does not operate on a purely meritocratic basis.
See Box 2. Box 2. Recently, Loren Lerner presented an analysis of how children were portrayed in photographs contained in Canadian Pictorial , a monthly magazine published in Montreal, between and Below, she comments on the implied meaning of a photo of Aboriginal children taken in a residential school in In an attempt to assimilate the Aboriginal peoples of Canada, residential schools were established by European-Canadians in the early twentieth century and funded by churches and the government. Aboriginal children were taken away from their families and communities and forced to abandon their language and culture.
Many children experienced abuse in these schools. These worldviews of a presumed collective conscience and correct moral character, argues Lerner, are clearly depicted in the above photo:. English Canadians saw it as their social mission to impose particular meanings on these images of children, and so manipulated them to cohere with a worldview that was embedded with class-consciousness and traditional beliefs and customs.
This was a collective vision that seemed to either ignore or reluctantly endorse the new realities of a society that was quickly changing. The object of education was to develop in the child a certain number of physical, intellectual, and moral states demanded by society. The conviction that Aboriginal children could be assimilated is proudly documented in a full-page professional photograph of a classroom of students at Mellapolla near Prince Rupert, British Columbia. The expressions of Aboriginal people were often said to be wild and savage, but if they changed in an appropriate way, it signaled that the person had been successfully converted into a peace-loving Christian.
Similarly, indoctrination in the guise of education could lead to the metamorphosis of Aboriginal children into acceptable Canadian children. For Durkheim, the intervention of the state in the internal life of the family was mandatory because the traditional family had the power to retard social development. He believed that society was created through the development of a collective conscience shared by all different types of children. As such, through education the child could be released from the bonds of a regressive family and learn to become integrated into a social group. This was also true of the immigrant or Aboriginal child, who could become a functioning member of society by learning to make a living as part of an occupational group.
Only when the normative functions once exercised by institutions such as the family and religion turned into a relationship of mutual dependence could these children become real Canadian citizens. Source: Lerner, Loren. Karl Marx — was a German intellectual and revolutionary known for his creation and endorsement of socialism and communism. Marx was a prolific writer, and among his many books were The Communist Manifesto and three volumes of Das Kap i tal. Writing during the industrial revolution in Europe a point in history which markedly changed how goods were produced and thereby how people earned a living , Marx believed that all social relations were rooted in economic relations, particularly the mode of production, which refers to the way of producing goods and services.
In capitalist systems, the mode of production is such that it places workers and owners in direct opposition to one another. Both groups have differing interests: the workers, for example, want to command the highest wage, while the owners, in order to drive the greatest profit, want to pay the lowest possible wage. This relation of production under capitalism, or the social relations that stem from capitalism, means that workers are always subservient and dependent on owners.
Marx viewed society as divided into distinct classes. At the most basic level, there were owners the bourgeoisie and workers the proletariat. He argued that the only way to achieve a just society was for the proletariat to achieve class consciousness—to collectively become self-aware of their class group and the possibilities for them to act in their own rational self-interest. The idea of class is at the very core of Marx and Marxist scholarship. While Marx was a prolific writer, he wrote relatively little on education. However, he did emphasize that class relations spilled into all aspects of social life, therefore the role of education in society—capitalist society—would be a topic of much relevance under a Marxist framework.
In particular, the educational system of a society exists to maintain and reproduce the economic systems of society. Institutions in society, including education, were the outcome of activities and ideas that were created through the specific material conditions and circumstances surrounding them. The social activism of the s in North America provided fertile ground for scholars to become receptive to Marxist theory. In the s, two important contributions were made to Marxist social reproduction analysis in the sociology of education. Althusser — was a French Marxist philosopher who wrote on a wide range of topics.
In terms of the sociology of education, he is best known for his theory of ideo l ogy. He believed that ideology was used to socialize children into their subordinate statuses in the capitalist system. Not only did the education system work to reinforce this socialization, but religion, the law, and the media and other social structures were used to pass on this ideology of the ruling class. He referred to the forces of these social structures in reproducing the social order as state ideological apparatus. To Althusser, ideo l ogy had two meanings. The first refers to the set of routine material practices in which teachers and students are involved. For example, rooms in schools are divided into spaces where certain people or groups of people accomplish certain jobs—the principal has his own office, the teachers have their own social space, and the support staff have their own area.
To Althusser, this second aspect of ideology meant that individuals were engaged in unconscious acts that reproduced their class positions without even being aware of such processes. The physical and cultural surroundings reinforced this ideology, making it seem natural, although it was driven by the larger capitalist agenda, which was responsible for reproducing inequalities in social class. In Bowles and Gintis wrote Schooling in Capitalist America: Educational Reform and the Contradictions of Economic Life, which is widely considered to be the most influential neo-Marxist work in the sociology of education. The authors critically examined the education system in the United States and argued, in a Marxist vein, that the way school was organized in the United States was designed to replicate the class system and to benefit elites.
The correspondence princ i ple is the overarching theme of their book, which suggests that the education system is set up to serve or correspond to the class-based system so that classes are reproduced and so that elites maintain their positions. The authors provide evidence of this relationship by showing how the statistical relationship between 1 intelligence and future earnings and 2 intelligence and future occupation disappears once socioeconomic background is accounted for. In other words, class origins are the major driving force behind the future jobs and incomes that young people achieve—not their intelligence.
It is through the hi d den curriculum that schools are able to reproduce the class system. The hidden curric u lum refers to the subtle ways that students are taught to be co-operative members of the class system. Social relations and work principles developed at a young age in the education system parallel those of the wider capitalist society. Students must learn deference and be subservient to teachers, have respect for the established order, and accept that they have no control over what they learn. From a young age, young people are therefore socialized to accept their class placement in the capitalist economy.
Marxist theory and neo-Marxism enjoyed popularity in the sociology of education in s and s, but has since fallen from favour as the theoretical paradigm of choice among researchers. Neo-Marxism is a term that generally refers to Marxist approaches from the twentieth century and beyond which in some way modify original Marxist theory. However, one major criticism of the versions of Marxism described above is that they tend to ignore other characteristics that are influential in the social landscape, such as gender and race or ethnicity. Marxist theory and neo-Marxism have largely been superseded by other theories in the discipline, particularly postmodern theories of gender and race , which are discussed below.
Some researchers in the sociology of education refer to Marxist authors covered in this section and use certain aspects of their theory, combined with other theories. She concluded that the French immersion program in Ottawa was geared toward students who were preparing for university. Those who did not share that goal were not successful in the program. Critical pedagogy is a term that frequently comes up in neo-Marxist approaches to teaching. Crit i cal pedagogy refers to a general philosophy of teaching that recognizes and attempts to rid the classroom and teacher—student interactions of relationships and practices that perpetuate inequalities.
Paulo Freire, a Brazilian educator, is credited with starting this movement with the publication of his highly influential book Ped a gogy of the Oppressed in Many prominent education researchers have been influenced by the work of Freire, including Henry Giroux and Peter McLaren. Giroux is currently a professor of English and Cultural Studies at McMaster University and has published about 35 books and scholarly articles. His most recent interests have focused on how the media represent youth and negatively influence current pedagogical practices Giroux ; Giroux and Pollock Like the neo-Marxists described above, McLaren understands schools as being a place of social reproduction, and his critical pedagogy is aimed at dismantling this process which results in what he views as the continued oppression of many.
Critical pedagogical approaches are used extensively in Canadian research. For example, Barrett et al. One example is the pairing of new teachers with senior colleagues who were not likely receptive to the idea of introducing emancipatory teaching practices. He agreed that economic reproduction i. To Apple, social reproduction was also the result of ideological and cultural practices that occurred within schools. Schools serve to educate students and as such they convey knowledge to students.
More recently, Apple has been interested in the rise of neo-conservatism in the United States and its influence on creating American educational policy based upon right-wing political ideology. Another neo-Marxist theorist is Paul Willis, who is best known for his resistance theory. His groundbreaking work Learning to Labour was an ethnographic study of working-class adolescent boys in the UK.
They openly rejected the value of the intellectual offerings associated with school work. They also openly rejected the authoritative structure associated with the school. The findings from this research led him to coin the term resistance th e ory , which referred to how marginalized students do not comply with the values, discipline, and expected behaviours of middle class school structures.
Instead of being viewed as acts of delinquency, these acts of rule breaking are interpreted as a class-based resistance. Paradoxically, however, these resisting behaviours also served to reproduce their class position—preventing the acquisition of the skills and training required for jobs outside the realm of manual labour. They found that adolescent boys from marginalized backgrounds tended to resist the White middle-class techniques for dispute resolution i.
They were also more likely to have been in conflicts with teachers and lacked the middle class cultural knowledge required to navigate the school system effectively. Weber, however, differed from Marx and Durkheim in a very important way. Unlike Marx and Durkheim, who were macro-theorists, his theory does not describe the overall nature of society. Instead, his micro-theoretical ideas pointed to how people both construct society and are constrained by it at the same time King Weber focused on education in many of his writings. The values and tenets associated with this branch of Christianity encourage hard work, and the subdivision of Calvinism provided even more support for his association between the rise of capitalism and religious affiliation.
As a result of this uncertainty, people looked for clues about their fate. Weber argued that the religious beliefs at the time facilitated the growth of capitalism. As time went on and beliefs became more secularized, capitalism was so entrenched and established within society that the initial complimentary religious attitudes that allowed it to develop were no longer necessary. Unlike Marx, Weber argued that ideas were central to the social groups and institutions we observe. His understanding of ideology is one that, in contrast to Marx, is based upon subjective understandings held by people, not overarching dominant forces that control individuals.
Rationalization occurred when society became more secular, scientific knowledge began to develop, and an increasing reliance on scientific and technological explanations began to emerge. Instead of being based on customs or religious belief, more and more social actions were the outcome of beliefs related to scientific thought. Closely related to the concepts of rationalization and rational-legal authority is bureau c racy , which is an administrative structure that follows a clear hierarchical structure and involves very specific rules and chains of command. If you are enrolled in a post-secondary institution like a college or university, you have had first-hand experience of bureaucracy.
If you want to appeal a grade, for example, you must fill out the right forms, send them to the right office, and wait until various people in the bureaucracy professors, deans, heads of departments, grade appeal committees read your appeal and make a decision on it. The decision then trickles back to you in the reverse manner. Bureaucracies organize work in specific ways and can be frustrating because they are, by design, inflexible.
In addition to his contributions above, Weber also provided a unique interpretation of the nature of social stratification. As discussed earlier, Marx indicated that there were two social classes: the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. These classes were entirely determined by the relationship that individuals had to the means of production. Max Weber, in contrast, had a more complex understanding of stratification, identifying class and status groups as the two major distributors of power within a society. However, both Marx and Weber argued that social classes had the tendency to reproduce themselves.
This tendency for reproduction is, in fact, the ultimate feature of classes. The concept of status is central to understanding how Weber understood how society was divided into groups with competing interests. Weber defined status as being associated with honour and privilege, independent of class membership. According to Weber, status groups are moral communities, concerned with upholding the privilege of their members in society. Weber also argued that status groups could cut across classes and thus acted to work against class unification. The result of this social closure would be to secure resources and advantages at the expense of other groups.
Status groups often limit membership based on credentials. Credentialism is a major theme in Weberian and neo-Weberian discussions of the sociology of education. Credentialism refers to the requirement of obtaining specific qualifications for membership to particular groups. Many entry-level office jobs or jobs in the civil service require new recruits to have a university degree, although the skills required in these jobs may have nothing to do with the degree that individuals have. This is an instance of credentialism. People with many years of practical experience in a given field but who have no degree may be denied jobs or promotions because they have no formal credentials.
Randall Collins is probably the best-known sociologist of education working in a neo-Weberian framework. In he published The Credential Soc i ety , a book that continues to be influential in the study of credentialism. He coined the term credential inflation to refer to the decreased value of the expected advantage associated with educational qualifications over time. Formal educational claims of competence. In other words, credentialism, in its many forms and through many processes, has been around in various cultures for some time and serves to reproduce culture and protect status groups.
Taylor recently examined credential inflation in high school apprenticeships in Canada. The typical trajectory is for teens to attend secondary schools where they can take courses in various subjects vocational and academic and receive a diploma upon credit completion. Trades training continues to be stigmatized and associated with less intelligent students, despite efforts to integrate the programs. Foster traces the professionalization of medicine in Canada in his analysis of foreign-trained doctors. The medical profession is a status group that requires certain credentials for entry.
In Canada, that credential is a medical degree from Canada or a recognized foreign institution. Foster asks why there is a doctor shortage while there are so many foreign-trained doctors in Canada who are unable to practise. He argues that the professional closure of the medical profession in Canada is regulated so that foreign-born, non-European and non-White practitioners are at a serious disadvantage. John Meyer along with his associates is another sociologist of education currently professor emeritus of sociology at Stanford University who also questions the overall legitimacy of credentialism.
His developments in the theories around sociology of education were largely a reaction to the arguments put forth by the structural functionalists and the Marxist scholars in the s. He has noted that educational systems have expanded worldwide, but that this expansion is not necessarily related to labour market demands. He has further argued that there is a loose coupling or a weak association between the belief in the importance of expanding schooling in democratic societies reflected in government and political positions and the actual need for such skills. Loose coupling also exists when educational ideals are expressed again, perhaps by government agencies or in policies , but the actual ability to attain those skills is rather limited.
Aurini provides useful illustrations of loose coupling in a Canadian context. Her research on private schooling businesses i. Symbolic interaction is a microsociological approach to social theory that emerged in the s and is closely associated with the work of George Herbert Mead — Mead is regarded as a founder of what is known today as social psychology. Symbolic interaction theory in general asserts that the world is constructed through meanings that individuals attach to social interactions. The child learns about other people through the understanding and meaning he or she attributes to gestures. They argue that even if women are not dependent upon individual men, they are still dependent upon a patriarchal state.
Socialist feminists believe that there is a direct link between class struggle and gender inequality. Socialist feminists reject radical feminism's main claim that patriarchy is the only or primary source of oppression of women. Socialist feminists thus consider how the sexism and gendered division of labor of each historical era is determined by the economic system of the time. As with exchange relationships in general in capitalism, underlying these seemingly equal exchange relationships are power relationships. Various relationships, such as those between males and females, relationships in the family, prostitution, surrogate mother hood, etc. Women are 8 Tong, Rosemarie. Feminist Thought: A Comprehensive Introduction.
Chapter 1 9Bryson, Valerie. Jackson and J. Jones eds. Oxford Reference Online. Oxford University Press. Because of these differences, if women ruled the world there would be no more war and it would be a better place. Essentially, a women's way is the right and better way for everyone. They usually advocate separate female counter-cultures as a way to change society but not completely disconnect.
There is a link between a male's desire to dominate unruly women and wilderness. Men feel as though they must tame and conquer both in order to have complete power. Ecofeminists say that it is this desire that destroys both women and the Earth. This theory of feminism seeks to eradicate all forms of social injustice, not just injustice against women and the environment. History of Feminism The concept of feminism was first used by Charles Fourier in 18th century. Fourier argued that social development can be possible with giving more rights and freedom to women. Firstly, society believed that human rights are male rights because of patriarchal order. The identity of women is not accepted.
In her Declaration of the Rights of Woman and Female Citizen , she challenged the practice of male authority and the notion of male—female inequality. But she was executed by guillotine during the Reign of Terror for attacking the regime of the revolutionary government and for her close relation with the Girondist. And the scholars of the theory of feminist examines the history of feminism as four divided waves. So the 15 Warren, Karen J. Le Nouveau Monde amoureux. New Brunswick U. ISBN After the mid of 19th century women started to found feminist associations and they became an organised movement.
Jeremy Bentham can be define as one of the first women movement thinker that he said it was the placing of women in a legally inferior position that made him choose the career of a reformist at the age of eleven. Bentham spoke for complete equality between sexes including the rights to vote and to participate in government. He opposed the asymmetrical sexual moral standards between men and women.
The women movement have defended the rights of equal salaries, enrolling colleges and suffrage. In , the government of New Zealand accorded women suffrage as a constitutional right for the first time in history. It was followed by Australia in , Finland first country that recognised women suffrage in Europe in , Norway in , Uruguay first country that recognised women suffrage in Latin America in , USSR after the revolution in , Myanmar in , Ecuador in , Sierra Leon in , Spain in , Turkey in women could vote in municipal elections , Cuba in In , Stanton met temperance worker Susan B. Anthony, and shortly the two would be joined in the long struggle to secure the vote for women in the U. In Anthony encouraged working women from the printing and sewing trades in New York, who were excluded from men's trade unions, to form Workingwomen's Associations.
As a delegate to the National Labor Congress in , Anthony persuaded the committee on female labor to call for votes for women and equal pay for equal work. The first national suffrage organizations were established in when two competing organizations were formed, one led by Susan B. Over NWP supporters, the Silent Sentinels, were arrested in while picketing the White House, some of whom went on hunger strike and endured forced feeding after being sent to prison. After a hard-fought series of votes in the U. Congress and in state legislatures, the Nineteenth Amendment became part of the U. Constitution on August 26, In , a coalition government passed the Representation of the People Act of , enfranchising all men, as well as all women over the age of 30 who met minimum property qualifications.
Anthony in Her Own Words, p. New York: Random House. New York: Facts on File. However all women in the country could not vote till elections. First wave feminists layed first roots of feminist movement. After them feminists were starting to demand more political, economic, social and constitutional rights in public and private areas. The Second Wave Feminism After first wave feminism, the women movement developed another struggle axis.
Because of the results of the first and second world wars, the world entered a new era and at beginning of it, the people were suffered by economic, social and cultural problems. These problems created new diversities and new discriminations. Thus the problems were started to examined through feminist eye. The women organisations proceeded to overcome the difficulties of reaching new medicine technologies and struggled against conservative governments and their oppressive laws. Actually in many states women and men seemed equal on the law but second wave feminist believed that in practise women and men are different so they need different priorities because of nature.
However, in patriarchy, the norms were using not biological perspective, the norms just represented male supremacist order. Also she argued that men used this as an excuse not to understand women or their problems and not to help them, and that this stereotyping was always done in societies by the group higher in the hierarchy to the group lower in the hierarchy. She wrote that a similar kind of oppression by hierarchy also happened in other categories of identity, such as race, class and religion, but she claimed that it was nowhere more true than with gender in which men stereotyped women and used it as an excuse to organize society into a patriarchy.
After being removed from the workforce, by either personal or social pressures, many women in the post-war America returned to the home or were placed into female only jobs in the service sector. The book itself, however, was not a call to action, but rather a plea for self-realization and conscious raising among middle-class women throughout America. Friedan argued that women are as capable as men for any type of work or any career path against arguments to the contrary by the mass media, educators and psychologists. The main actor of this struggle was, of course, women and every women came from different social stratums, political ideologies, cultures etc. This situation gave women more awareness to analyse society with many different perspectives.
So, women acted as a whole body which became a part by different processors. It means a relationship between sisters or an association of women linked by a common interest. Women, who come from the different side of society and have different world views, face social, political and economic inequalities, sexual harassments and gender based violence because of their gender. According to this case, for second second wave feminists, the world view must be on the second plan, women must be aware of women solidarity first.
Out of these cookies, the cookies that are categorized as necessary are stored on your browser as they are essential for the working of basic functionalities of the website.Putting Down The Gun Analysis All Symbols. The Summary: The Theories Of Feminism thing that is never mentioned is that Marx was writing during the Industrial Revolution, where classes Rhetorical Analysis Of Judy Brady I Want A Wife and upward mobility was more difficult. We can all imagine situations where a just person is unjustly killed or imprisoned. And Rhetorical Analysis Of Judy Brady I Want A Wife we accept this A Wallflower Reflection option, we have given up the divine command theory. The Rhetorical Analysis Of Judy Brady I Want A Wife of class is Alethea Spiridon Generation Debt Analysis the very core of Marx and Marxist Summary: The Theories Of Feminism. Need an account?