Before And After Bonegilla Analysis

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Before And After Bonegilla Analysis



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It did allow a much more sophisticated analysis of the Aboriginal population than hitherto, laying the basis for further public policy over a range of functions. Difficulties in Locating Ethnicity The traditional questions in Australian censuses on religion and birthplace present only limited problems of interpretation. Many states have changed their boundaries over time, most recently those previously making up the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. Thus most of those categorised as 'Austrians' in pre censuses were of Croatian ethnicity and came from the Austrian-ruled Dalmatian coast. Other subject areas, such as Poland or Ukraine, appear as birthplaces because respondents have declared them as such. Birthplace data is not a substitute for ethnicity data.

Most Italians in Australia were born in Italy, but many Greeks were born outside Greece, for example. In the past most Australians declared adherence to a denomination, usually Protestant or Catholic. Religious data was of great interest to the churches and also to educational and welfare agencies. More recently there has been an expansion of non-Christian denominations where the notion of denominational exclusiveness may not be so rigid.

Many Chinese, for example, may not state a religion because they do not adhere to a particular temple but worship within the home. More importantly, the numbers declaring 'no religion' or not answering, have increased to a quarter of all respondents. Religious data can be used, with care, in tracing remote ancestry such as German Lutherans or ethnicities which are coterminous with religions, such as Sikhs or Jews.

The most important change in recent years has been the replacement of Anglicans by Catholics as the largest single denomination. Such data has never indicated active adherence, nor does it now. Birthplace and religious data is useful in measuring likely ethnic strength and concentration, especially in the first generation of immigrants. There is a tendency in Australia, as elsewhere, for organisations representing groups to exaggerate their numerical followings in order to gain political significance or to impress funding agencies.

Hard census data counters this and provides a base for rational measurement of services and entitlements. This does not prevent interested parties from questioning the census process itself. Claims that respondents are 'afraid' to call themselves, for example, Muslims or Macedonians may well be true in limited cases. But the overall picture is reasonably sound, and certainly as much so as in any other census system. Birthplace data in itself does not tell us much about the ethnic background of those who were born in Australia. As a normal immigration pattern is for arrivals to be in their mid-twenties and to produce most of their children after arrival, this presents problems in assessing the dimensions of ethnic groups.

The Australian Census also asks details of parental birthplaces and this can be used to measure the size of the second generation. In there were 1,, born in the United Kingdom, but a further 1,, with one or both parents born in the United Kingdom. The longer resident a migration 'wave' has been, the larger the second generation proportion of the total ethnic group. The second generation outnumbers the first for Italian and Greek birthplaces but is outnumbered by the first for Yugoslav and Viet Nam birthplaces. As assimilation and language loss is more marked in the Australian-born, such information is relevant in assessing the likely needs of an ethnic group. Birthplace data must always be modified by other information if a meaningful analysis of ethnicity is being attempted.

Arrivals from the Lebanon 68, first and 67, second generation in may be Catholics, Orthodox, Shi'a Muslims, Sunni Muslims, Druze or Armenians, each with differing loyalties and orientations. Those from India have, until recently, been mostly English-speaking Christian Anglo-Indians, with many of those speaking Hindi coming from Fiji. There are very few sources of Australian immigrants which are not ethnically mixed. Moreover, it is common for minorities to emigrate, often to escape persecution. Only a handful from Iraq are Arab Muslims while the great majority are Christians.

Changes in the classification procedures for the Census led to the widest range of birthplaces and religions yet recorded. The major over 20, birthplaces of those born overseas, and their second generation, are set out in the following table. Source: Census of Population and Housing. The above table indicates that those arriving in Australia from the 'older' migration countries have already produced a considerable second generation. In all of these the second generation outnumbers the first. This reflects the fact that under the restrictive immigration policy in place before admissions were largely restricted to Europeans. It also reflects the decline in such admissions caused by rising living standards in Europe and the replacement of such intakes by those from Asia once this became possible.

Among smaller groups where the second generation outnumbers the first, are those coming as refugees after World War II, including Latvians, Ukrainians, Lithuanians and Estonians. Birthplaces on a regional basis is another way of illustrating shifts in the origins of the population since Table 2 shows birthplaces on a regional basis by percentage of the total population. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Groups Birthplace has been collected in Australian censuses since and was produced for British and a few other birthplaces well before that. Indicators of ethnic origin were also provided for non-Europeans until and have been published for Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders since There is a wealth of information about non-Europeans although much of it is based on racial categories which many social scientists would now regard as very dubious.

Because of the historic obsession with race those of mixed descent were also classified as such although they may have been culturally quite assimilated to the Anglo-Australian mainstream. Indigenous people choosing to identify themselves as having Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander origin are so classified in recent census enumerations. Perhaps partly because they are based on self-identification, Aboriginal and particularly Torres Strait Islander counts have been volatile in recent censuses, although this is much less apparent in the latest census.

The definition of indigenous peoples becomes very important when a special legal or constitutional status is extended to them. In New Zealand, Maoris have been entitled to four members of parliament since No other ethnic minorities in Australia now have the special status of indigenous people nor do they suffer under the legal discrimination which non-Europeans experienced in the past. Their definition is thus mostly of concern to themselves and has no legal implications. However, many services are now delivered on an 'ethnic-specific' basis under the Commonwealth Access and Equity approach which seeks to equalise opportunities to enjoy public provision.

In this delivery, language is usually taken as the most important 'barrier' to equity. However, 'cultural barriers' are often mentioned in official formulations, though rarely spelled out very specifically. As already argued, birthplace is often an inadequate measure of ethnicity. Most societies are multicultural and those emigrating to Australia are frequently drawn from ethnic minorities in their own birthplace.

Moreover, many ethnic groups have large diasporas, of which the most extensive are those of British, Irish or Chinese origin. The size of an ethnic group can never be definitively determined because the concept of an ethnic group is elastic. There is an element of choice in immigrant situations where the only division is between citizens and non-citizens. Once Australia abandoned racial classification of immigrants, which it finally did in , there was no official reason for delimiting ethnic groups. Birthplace became an unsatisfactory surrogate for ethnicity, to be joined by religion in many cases and, from , by language. To illustrate varying definitions of an ethnic group, some figures of birthplace, religion and language are given in the following table.

German Maltese Malta 54 n. Maltese 53 Dutch Netherlands 95 n. NOTE: n. Clearly there are many different dimensions to ethnicity. Even an attempt at tabulation of measures, as above, raises many difficulties. Nor does the Census ask for self-identification, other than for Aborigines. However, in a single departure, the Census followed American and Canadian precedent in asking respondents to nominate their ancestry, allowing for dual ethnicities such as Anglo-Indian or Greek-Australian. Results were tabulated on the basis of the first ethnicity in a dual definition. This resulted in various major proportions as shown in the following table.

This attempt to get Australians to nominate their ancestry showed that over 46 per cent classed themselves as 'Anglo-Celtic', including a considerable number of English, Irish and Scottish mix. To these might be added most who called themselves simply 'Australian'. This gives an 'Anglo-Australian' total of about two-thirds of the population. One mystery in the figures is the low percentage prepared to call themselves Irish or Scottish.

It is probable that many of these preferred to be Australian, as calculations by Dr Charles Price, the leading expert in ethnic composition, estimated that 17 per cent of the population were of Irish and 12 per cent of Scottish descent in The figures for other ancestries, including small groups, were much closer to Dr Price's estimates. It seems from the figures that Australians of British or Irish descent, who make up by far the largest component of the population, do not attach much significance to their ancestry, while those from non-British minorities are more precise.

This, at least, is what common sense would suggest. It is also clear that those who decry the term 'Anglo-Celtic' are overlooking a large part of the population which does descend from mixtures of the English, Scottish and Irish settlers of the past. Ethnic Concentrations In all societies there is a tendency for immigrant and ethnic minority groups to concentrate in particular areas. These are often wrongly termed 'ghettos', suggesting isolation from the majority, poor and even criminal characteristics and undesirability.

However, there are few recent instances of such deprived concentrations in Australia, compared, for example, with the situation in the United States or the United Kingdom. Immigrants to Australia have been carefully selected although social deprivation can be found amongst many refugees and some relatives of previous settlers. There are few slum areas in Australian cities comparable to those found in Europe and North America, and none comparable to those found in the rest of the world.

The worst housing and living conditions are those of Aborigines in rural and outback areas, which are often far worse than for any other identifiable group in Australian society. This low incidence of slum ghettos reflects the relative affluence of Australia since the s and the newness of much housing. There are, undeniably, suburbs of relative deprivation on the outskirts of the major cities. These are not necessarily inhabited by ethnic minority groups. Australians have a long history of opposition to 'ghettos' which can be traced back for over a century. Certainly, on the goldfields the large Chinese populations had often been confined to certain areas by official decree.

But when a group of destitute Italians arrived in New South Wales in , they were told by the New South Wales Government that there could be no public assistance for them if they sought to settle together: 'the customs of the country and other circumstances render it undesirable, indeed almost impossible, for them to settle down altogether in one locality. Even if this were practicable it would not be for their own good to do so'. Address to the Italian Immigrants, Sydney, 21st April The Irish were believed to concentrate in urban ghettos, as they had done so in the United States and Britain.

However, inspection of nineteenth century census data suggests that most Irish lived in rural areas until the s. There were only a small number of metropolitan concentrations in areas such as Surry Hills and Paddington in Sydney or North Melbourne or Richmond in Melbourne. Even in those areas there was always a considerable mixing of British immigrant origins. A stronger ethnic concentration in rural areas was of Germans in South Australia. Until the implementation of the White Australia Policy in , there were strong concentrations of Chinese and Pacific Islanders in parts of North Queensland. The German Lutheran villages of South Australia represent almost the only survival of these nineteenth century concentrations, along with the Chinatowns of Melbourne, Sydney and Brisbane.

More recent rural settlements began to develop from the early twentieth century, although they were always limited by the itinerant character of many immigrant workers. Italians have been the most numerous non-British settlers, shaping the character of several sugar towns in North Queensland such as Ingham , in the Murrumbidgee Irrigation Area Griffith and along the Murray Cobram. These small settlements were strengthened after the War, with the beginning of the immigration program in Subsequent settlements were also mainly of southern Europeans, though there was some Dutch settlement in areas such as northern Tasmania, King Island and in Gippsland.

It was in the cities that very large concentrations began to build up after , reviving once again dormant fears of 'ghettos'. These men were required to register, unless they gave a legitimate reason for their exemption, else they faced penalties. This scheme would prove to be one of the most controversial implementations of conscription in Australia, with large protests against its adoption.

One of the heaviest actions of the war occurred in August , with the Battle of Long Tan , wherein D Company, 6th Battalion, Royal Australian Regiment 6RAR successfully fended off an enemy force, estimated at 2, men, for four hours. In , Australian forces defended against the Tet Offensive , a Viet Cong military operation, and repulsed them with few casualties. The contribution of personnel to the war was gradually wound down, starting in late and ending in ; the official declaration of the end of Australia's involvement in the war was made on 11 January Following the Vietnam War, there was an almost continuous hiatus of operational activity by the Australian Army.

In late , one of the largest deployments experienced by the Army during this period was its commitment of troops to the Commonwealth Monitoring Force, which monitored the transition of Rhodesia to universal suffrage. Following the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq in August , a coalition of countries sponsored by the United Nations Security Council , of which Australia was a part, gave a deadline for Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait of the 15 January Iraq refused to retreat and thus full conflict and the Gulf War began two days later on 17 January Australia's largest peacekeeping deployment began in with the International Force for East Timor , while other ongoing operations include peacekeeping in the Sinai as part of MFO , and the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization as part of Operation Paladin since Following the 11 September terrorist attacks , Australia promised troops to any military operations that the US commenced in response to the attacks.

This combat role continued until the end of when it was replaced by a training contingent operating under Operation Highroad until In the early 21st century, the US accused Iraq of possessing these weapons and promoted unsubstantiated allegations, and requested that the UN invade the country in response, a motion which Australia supported. The UN denied this motion, however, it did not stop a coalition, that Australia joined, invading the country; thus starting the Iraq War on 19 March In support of a capacity building mission, Task Group Taji's main role was to provide training to Iraqi forces, during which Australian troops have served alongside counterparts from New Zealand. The 1st Division comprises a deployable headquarters, while the 2nd Division , under the command of Forces Command , is the main home-defence formation, containing Army Reserve units.

The 2nd Division's headquarters only performs administrative functions. The Australian Army has not deployed a divisional-sized formation since and does not expect to do so in the future. The 1st Division carries out high-level training activities and deploys to command large-scale ground operations. It has few combat units permanently assigned to it, although it does currently command the 2nd Battalion, Royal Australian Regiment as part of Australia's amphibious task group.

Forces Command controls for administrative purposes all non- special-forces assets of the Australian Army. It is neither an operational nor a deployable command. Forces Command comprises: [79]. Special Operations Command comprises a command formation of equal status to the other commands in the ADF. It includes all of Army's special forces assets. Infantry, and some other combat units of the Australian Army carry flags called the Queen's Colour and the Regimental Colour, known as "the Colours".

The 1st Armoured Regiment is the only unit in the Australian Army to carry a Standard, in the tradition of heavy armoured units. Artillery units' guns are considered to be their Colours, and on parade are provided with the same respect. As a substitute, many have Standards or Banners. They are a link to the unit's past and a memorial to the fallen.

Artillery do not have Battle Honours — their single Honour is "Ubique" which means "Everywhere" — although they can receive Honour Titles. The Army, instead, has a banner, known as the Army Banner. The Army Banner bears the Australian Coat of Arms on the obverse, with the dates "—" in gold in the upper hoist. The banner is trimmed with gold fringe, has gold and crimson cords and tassels, and is mounted on a pike with the usual British royal crest finial. As of June the Army had a strength of 47, personnel: 29, permanent regular and 17, active reservists part-time ; all of whom are volunteers.

The ranks of the Australian Army are based on the ranks of the British Army , and carry mostly the same actual insignia. For officers the ranks are identical except for the shoulder title "Australia". The Non-Commissioned Officer insignia are the same up until Warrant Officer , where they are stylised for Australia for example, using the Australian, rather than the British coat of arms. The Australian Army uniforms are grouped into nine categories, with additional variants of the uniform having alphabetical suffixes in descending order, which each ranges from ceremonial dress to general service and battle dress.

The Slouch hat is the regular service and general duties hat, while the field hat is for use near combat scenarios. Dozens of Australian Army Reserve depots are located across Australia. The journal's first editor was Colonel Eustace Keogh , and initially, it was intended to assume the role that the Army Training Memoranda had filled during the Second World War, although its focus, purpose, and format has shifted over time. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Military land force of the Commonwealth of Australia. Military unit. Further information: Australia in the Korean War. Further information: Military history of Australia during the Malayan Emergency and Military history of Australia during the Indonesia—Malaysia confrontation.

Further information: Military history of Australia during the Vietnam War. The Australian Army's structure from Main article: Colours, standards and guidons. Main articles: Australian Army officer rank insignia and Australian Army enlisted rank insignia. Further information: Uniforms of the Australian Army and Slouch hat. Further information: List of equipment of the Australian Army. Main article: List of Australian military bases. Military history of Australia portal. Department of Defence. Retrieved 25 March Australasian Legal Information Institute. Retrieved 19 October Australian War Memorial. Retrieved 6 April Federal Register of Legislation. Retrieved 6 November Retrieved 12 December Retrieved 7 November Retrieved 8 December New Zealand History.

Retrieved 13 December Australian Government: Department of Veteran's Affairs. Australian Army. Retrieved 9 December National Museum Australia. Parliament of Australia. Retrieved 15 January Retrieved 23 March Retrieved 20 February Retrieved 6 May Department of Veteran's Affairs. Retrieved 9 November National Museum of Australia. Retrieved 9 January Retrieved 24 April Royal Australian Navy. Retrieved 15 December Retrieved 20 January Retrieved 13 February Department of Veteran Affairs. Retrieved 6 March Retrieved 26 February Australian War Memorial, London. Retrieved 27 February Retrieved 20 April National Archives of Australia.

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Retrieved 29 October Army News. Canberra: Australian Department of Defence. Army Technology. Retrieved 2 November Retrieved 5 June Australia: Commonwealth of Australia. ISBN Retrieved 13 July Department of Defence Ministers. Archived from the original Media Release on 25 August Retrieved 1 August Army: The Soldiers' Newspaper ed. Retrieved 31 July Retrieved 14 January Jane 's Defence Weekly. Retrieved 30 July Defence Materiel Organisation.

Retrieved 8 November Our people. Archived from the original on 6 March Archived from the original on 14 September Retrieved 9 June Media Releases. Retrieved 7 June Defence Jobs. Archived from the original on 28 July Retrieved 3 September Archived from the original on 12 March Australian National Audit Office Audit Report No. Canberra: Australian National Audit Office. Archived from the original PDF on 15 May Blaxland, John The Australian Army from Whitllam to Howard. Port Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. Brune, Peter Australia: HarperCollinsPublishers. Cameron, David W.

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